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  • China, Gandhi or RSS? The real reason India snubbed RCEP trade pact

    • Showman Modi invoked Gandhi as he pulled out of ‘the world’s largest trade deal’
    • Did he forget to mention protectionist Hindu nationalists and the gaping trade imbalance with China?

    Until this week, few people would have used the word “intrigue” in the same sentence as the “Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership”.

    After all, even something touted as “the world’s largest free-trade deal” starts to lose a bit of pizazz after 28 rounds and seven years of talks.Enter Narendra Modi, India’s prime minister and a man seen by supporters and detractors alike as the ultimate showman-politician.

    In a move few had expected, he announced at a summit of 16 countries involved in the deal – known as the RCEP – that India would not be signing up after all.

    It was like a bubble of hype had suddenly burst. Had all gone to plan, with the involvement of both China and India, the RCEP would have covered nearly half of the world’s population and around 40 per cent of its GDP. Yet, stripped of the world’s second-most populous nation, the hubris lay bare for all to see.

    It was not meant to be this way. While India has long been a holdout in the negotiations, the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) bloc that conceptualised the pact in 2012 had hoped Modi was about to reveal a breakthrough in eleventh-hour talks to seal the deal.The expectation was that New Delhi would at least say it was on the same page as the other 15 countries in wanting to bring talks to a “substantial conclusion”. That was supposed to have happened this time last year, but was pushed back a year to accommodate general elections in Australia, Thailand, Indonesia, and India.

    Clearly, the Indian prime minister had different plans.

    POLITICAL NOUS

    In the closed-door summit where he revealed his decision, Modi’s comments underlined his political nous. He crafted a message that was not only meant to placate the frustration of the other 15 leaders, but also indulged in political haymaking for his domestic audience.

    The prime minister chose not to reference the nightmarish scenes the RCEP’s domestic critics had painted: of small businesses going bankrupt because of a flood of cheap mass-produced Chinese products, and of millions of dairy farmers going hungry because consumers’ heads would be turned by milk products from New Zealand and Australia.

    Instead, he invoked the country’s most edifying symbol – Mahatma Gandhi.

    The government said later in a public statement that it had engaged in the talks in good faith, but had no choice but to pull out as it had not secured the assurances it asked for.

    Among its demands were for stronger wording on rules of origin, for the base year for the reduction of duties to be 2019 instead of 2014, and for companies investing in India to procure a certain percentage of input materials locally.

    Appearing to hold out an olive branch, Piyush Goyal, the Indian trade minister, said New Delhi’s future accession to the RCEP was still possible because as with all “international engagement and relations”, the doors should “never be shut with anybody”.

    But among Asean members, the mood was grim. A trade ministry official from one mid-sized country told This Week in Asia it felt it had been “taken for a ride, big time”, having witnessed New Delhi’s negotiators extract many concessions, only to drop out of the pact at the last minute.

    Until the day before Modi’s announcement, India had given no indication it was about to take such a drastic step.

    Negotiators from three Asean countries told This Week in Asia they were particularly frustrated because Indian officials had made fresh demands only last week, just as the other countries were working furiously to sew up loose ends. India, though, denies this account of events.

    Still, at least in public, the bloc is saying India’s options are open.While the 15 countries – Asean plus China, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand and Australia – had concluded “text-based negotiations”, they acknowledged in a joint statement that they would continue working with India on outstanding issues.

    China, the biggest of the 16 economies, pledged to work with New Delhi to find a way forward.

    PLACATING THE SANGH PARIVAR?

    Within the Indian commentariat, conversations have revolved around the merits of Modi’s sudden U-turn, the manner it was made, and whether “the talisman” of Gandhi was indeed the decisive factor.

    MK Venu, a veteran political journalist, wrote that the invocation of Gandhi might have been an attempt to “hide deep structural weaknesses plaguing the economy”.

    One common theory was that the heavy friendly fire the government was taking for pressing ahead with the RCEP had become too much to bear for Modi.

    The trade pact’s most strident opponents came from within Modi’s Hindu nationalist ranks.

    The Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM), the economic wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – the ideological parent of Modi’s ruling party – last month staged a nationwide protest against the trade pact.

    Following Monday’s developments, the group and its leaders, including the economics professor Ashwani Mahajan, have received acclaim from pro-government supporters for the campaign. Deepak Sharma, the SJM’s spokesman, said Modi’s decision was “an acknowledgement of the interests of all Indians”.

    Along with Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the SJM and RSS are among the groups that form the Sangh Parivar – an umbrella term for the nation’s Hindu nationalist organisations.

    Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, an author of books on Modi and the Hindu nationalists, said the lobbying efforts by the Sangh affiliates played an important role in the prime minister’s decision.

    The New Delhi-based commentator said the decision should be seen in the context of prevailing political circumstances in India: the BJP’s failure to register big wins in two state elections last month, and rising anxiety about the state of the economy.

    Modi won a resounding general election victory this year, but citizens were anxious “because they don’t have money in their hands”, he said.

    Compounding the problems were the lobbying by the Sangh Parivar and a last-minute salvo from the opposition party that created the impression Modi was “compromising on the Indian farmer and the Indian consumer”. That situation, coupled with the long-standing belief among Indians that “reforms are anti-poor and pro-rich”, left Modi in a tight spot when it came to the RCEP, Mukhopadhyay said.

    Other analysts said the U-turn was just the latest example of the growing clout of the SJM and other Sangh Parivar affiliates.

  • 電子支付時代來臨!德國人卻對現金情有獨鍾

    電子支付時代來臨,人手一刷(嗶)即完成付款。不過,在德國的許多餐廳、酒吧、計程車上,依然只能現金付款,這並非特例,德國人喜歡現金付款,他們身上通常帶有足夠現金。

    德國之聲報導,德國現金文化跟商家或服務機構拒絕接受卡片沒有關係,這只是德國人的心理因素。

    研究德語國家高現金支付現象的商業心理學家克切勒(Erich Kirchler)表示,「掌控權是主要因素,我們不想屈就,我們要現金能提供的自主性、自由、實用性。」

    根據克切勒,德國人擔心如果現金被其他支付方式取代,他們將失去對財務的掌控權。他們害怕非現金支付可能讓國家或銀行有更多控制權;另外,他們相信使用現金更能自己控制花費。

    克切樂指出,德國人對現金的態度可能和國家一連串激進的歷史改變有關係。他表示,「我們對於政府有相對較高的信心,但同時我們也了解,情勢可能一夕之間改變」。

    除了德國,部分國家也對無現金交易保持存疑態度。根據歐洲中央銀行,德國人平均隨身攜帶現金約103歐元(約台幣3500元),比其他歐洲人多。

    德國80%交易為現金付款,義大利為86%、西班牙87%;但是在北歐國家,現金支付已經很少見、英國也很流行電子支付或信用卡交易。

    甚至連倫敦街頭表演藝人也開始使用無現金交易。派翠尼(Francis Petrini)已有2年街頭表演經驗,每次表演他都會帶著讀卡機,讓民眾方便捐款或購買專輯。派翠尼表示,讀卡機確實讓他的收入增加,因為民眾時常沒有隨身攜帶現金。

    人類學家史考特(Brett Scott)認為,「無現金交易社會」其實是「銀行化社會」,因為這些交易完全依賴銀行及其發展出來的系統。不過,「銀行化」雖然也在德國發生,但德國人對於大企業掌權依然較反感。

  • 德国经济未接近真正的衰退 不需要刺激措施–财长肖尔茨

    柏林11月8日 – 德国财长肖尔茨在接受Euronews采访时表示,德国尚未接近真正的衰退,但正经历一段增长放缓的时期。他补充称,解决“人为的”全球贸易紧张将有助于提振经济。

    在被问及一些经济学家和政界人士呼吁德国增加支出以提振疲弱的经济时,肖尔茨表示,在就业处于纪录高位且部分行业面临产能限制的情况下,没有理由作出额外的刺激支出。

    “就业人数处于历史高位,且许多领域都在寻找熟练工人,”他在周五发表的访问中表示,“我们的财政政策很具扩张性,且公共投资达到历史高位。”

  • 密码保护:中国家庭债务达到日本泡沫期水平?

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  • 密码保护:中国空气质量好过印度?

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  • 美国走上负利率之路? 基金经理和策略师们不这么认为

    纽约11月8日 – 别预期欧洲和日本实施的负利率接下来会输入至美国,因为欧日两大经济体正现实地上演央行刺激政策走岔了的戏码。

    这至少是路透2020年全球投资展望峰会上基金经理及策略师们的看法。他们认为负利率造成的长期侵蚀性副作用,远远大过付钱请政府和其他大型债务人借款的好处;负利率的副作用包括惩罚储户,削弱银行业稳定性,同时会鼓励可能诱发风险的系统性金融工程操作。

    拜日本及欧洲央行的政策所赐,全球约12.5万亿美元、占发达世界主权债达30%的债券目前是处于负收益率状态。这两大央行都急欲振兴经济成长及拉抬通胀。

    根据贝莱德最近发表的一篇博客(部落格)文章,负利率的后果之一,就是会导致投资收益呈现负值,令老龄人口顿失所怙。

    贝莱德及其他投资人表示,美国联邦储备委员会(FED/美联储)在主席鲍威尔的掌舵下,正密切关注这些风险回报失衡的状况,亟欲避免步上后尘。

    “如果你仔细听鲍威尔和美联储其他代表官员的说法,他们并不想采用负利率,”PIMCO集团投资总监伊凡申(Dan Ivascyn)指出。

    “它会在美联储工具清单上吊车尾,”他说。

    欧洲央行及日本央行都已经采用负利率来刺激通胀及经济增长,美联储等其他主要央行还有多少弹药可抵御经济放缓,也因而引发争论。

    美联储10月底宣布降息25个基点,使政策利率目标区间降至1.50%-1.75%。

    美国总统特朗普呼吁美联储将利率降至负值,好让美国政府能够为22万亿美元债务再融资,并且拉长偿债时间。

    但基金经理人表示,这种情况不太可能发生。

    “千万别说永远不会,但美国的确不愿意将利率降至零下方,”PGIM Fixed Income的多行业和策略主管Greg Peters说。

    “我认为美国得到了先看看其他地方实施负利率有什么影响的好处,”他补充说。

    从过往实施负利率对刺激信贷、提振企业投资和消费者借贷支出的影响来看,这个措施成败参半。

    负利率对整个收益率曲线构成下行压力,并压缩金融机构放贷业务的利润。负利率的批评人士认为,如果超低利率的长期实施对金融机构健康的损害过大,它们可能会抑制放贷活动,从而损及经济。

    因为负利率可能带来的风险以及潜在政治阻力,负利率政策一直是美联储官员看淡的选项,认为它不是适宜之举。

    “他们对负利率政策成本的侧重程度要大得多,”PIMCO的伊凡申表示。

    资产管理公司Vanguard的全球利率和汇市策略师Anne Mathias也表示,实施负政策利率的可能性不大。

    “我坚定认为,如果某个时候陷入衰退(我确信将会出现衰退),我们只是会回到量化宽松,再次扩大资产负债表,”她说。

    对Richard Bernstein Advisors LLC执行长Richard Bernstein来说,负利率意味着“痛苦的衰退。”

    “事实上,我认为不会实施负利率,因为我认为我们不会走向痛苦的衰退,”他说。

    DoubleLine Total Return Bond Fund (DBLTX.O)的联席投资组合经理Andrew Hsu对负利率的副作用发出警告。

    “如果未来10-20年我们实行负利率…这个房间里的人将没人可以退休,”他说。

    “在美国可以避免的范围内,我认为它肯定会尝试,但代价是什么?你愿意经历非常严重的衰退吗?我们将拭目以待,”Hsu表示。

    贝莱德(Blackrock)(BLK.N)全球固定收益首席投资官Rick Rieder表示,他认为美联储不会采行负利率。

    “我想,如果这样做国会将让他们不好过。全球都在讨论负利率如何不起作用。”

    依赖零利率或负利率将“适得其反,因为这样可能会导致市场情绪崩溃,同时家庭储蓄率上升”,Rieder在最近发布的博客文章中称。

    “在企业领域,负利率刺激了过剩的杠杆和金融工程,并让僵屍企业在一个已经供应充足的体系中继续存活。”

  • 美股展望:投资者转而追捧价值股 小型股蓄势待发

    纽约11月8日 – 市场分析师表示,随着价值股的上涨,受挫的美国小型企业股将蓄势待发,不过,小型股可能很快地因经济遇挫而再次下跌。

    2019年的多数时候,罗素2000小型股指数的表现都落后于指标标普500指数.SPX,而且尚未脱离在去年12月确认的熊市。

    不过,本季迄今,罗素2000小型股指数已上涨4.6%,表现优于标普500指数的上涨3.6%。罗素指数的表现与标普500价值股指数亦步亦趋,后者本季迄今涨幅达5.2%,高于标普500成长股指数同期涨幅2.3%。

    对经济的信心有所提升,已促使一些投资人重新考虑价值股和小型股中一些表现欠佳的个股。价值股通常是对经济敏感的类股,像是金融和能源股。小型股比起大型股,往往更加专注国内业务,通常会随着投资人对美国经济的看法而起舞。

    指标10年期美国公债收益率已大幅高于9月初的低点,反映对经济的乐观情绪升温,三个月期美国国库券与10年期美债的收益率曲线已趋于陡峭。这导致部分投资者认为美国小型股将上涨。

    特别是金融股的表现有改善,因收益率上升可能有助于提振小型股。金融股在罗素2000指数中占20%,而在标普500指数中占比为13%。

    “收益率上升告诉我们经济在走强,”位于达拉斯的Hodges Capital Management资深副总裁兼投资组合经理Gary Bradshaw说。“(鉴于)市场热点轮换至价值题材,表现落后于大型股的小型股肯定可以追赶上来。”

    Bradshaw表示,近几个月他所在的Hodges增持了小型价值股的仓位,比如石油天然气公司Matador Resources (MTDR.N)和Parsley Energy(PE.N),以及拥有Chili’s连锁餐厅的Brinker International(EAT.N)。

    尽管部分市场分析师对大型价值股能否维持市场主导地位持怀疑态度,但小型企业的获利环境改善或可提振他们的股价。

    RBC Capital Markets纽约的美国股市策略主管Lori Calvasina表示,今年早些时候,小型股公司的获利增长速度逊于大型股公司,偏离了通常的模式。

    “投资人喜欢小型股,因为较长期而言它们能带来优异的获利增长,”她说。“年初时根据这些数据,并不能很确定,但现在我们再看这些数据,会发现正常的模式已经恢复。”

    不过,小型股的前景高度依赖美国经济数据,而数据显示经济增长放缓。比如,备受关注的美国供应管理协会(ISM)制造业指数显示,美国工厂活动已经连续三个月萎缩。如果中美达成贸易协议,或许能提振制造业和工业部门的指标,但也只是暂时性的。

    下周即将公布美国10月工业生产、零售销售数据,以及全美独立企业联盟(NFIB)月度小企业信心指数等数据。

    “如果没有达成贸易协议,而且有更多迹象显示美国经济愈发疲弱的话,小型股将受到重创,”Jefferies驻纽约股市策略师Steven DeSanctis表示。“但我看到(经济)增长保持得很好。”

  • 日本麦当劳CEO等6人获“年度西装”奖

    2019/11/08

    11月7日,日本经济新闻社在东京举行了2019年“Suits Of The Year”颁奖仪式。麦当劳日本控股的社长兼首席执行官(CEO)卡萨瓦尔(Sarah L.Casanova)获得商业奖,还有其他6人分别获奖。2018年的获奖者、全家公司社长泽田贵司也参加了颁奖仪式之后的聚会,与获奖者们进行了恳谈。

    该奖用于表彰以“身穿西装发起挑战”为理念的人士,2019年是第二届。由日经电子版《NIKKEI STYLE Men’s Fashion》与世界文化社的男性商务时尚杂志《MEN’S EX》联合举办。

    各奖项的其他获奖者名单如下。

    商业奖 VISITS Technologies公司CEO松本胜

    创新奖 日本国立天文台水泽VLBI观测所教授、所长本间希树

    艺术与文化奖 演员草刈正雄,盆栽师平尾成志

    特别奖 原橄榄球日本代表队队长广濑俊朗

    卡萨瓦尔在获奖感言中说道:“作为第一位女性获奖者,我感到十分荣幸和高兴。一穿上西装,就会充满自信”。

  • IMF:全球债务达到188万亿美元 创新高

    2019/11/08

    国际货币基金组织(IMF)总裁克里斯塔利娜·格奥尔基耶娃11月7日在华盛顿发表演讲,表示世界公共部门和民间部门的债务合计达到188万亿美元,创出了历史新高。这一金额相当于世界国内生产总值(GDP)的约2.3倍。格奥尔基耶娃指出,更加需要确保债务的可持续性和透明性,呼吁加强风险管理。

    克里斯塔利娜·格奥尔基耶娃强调称,银行贷款有助于企业的新投资,正在发挥“为将来的繁荣撒下种子”的重要作用。另一方面,她还分析称,随着债务膨胀,政府、企业和家庭面对利率迅速上升“正变得脆弱”。日美欧等中央银行的货币宽松导致利率下降,容易借钱的情况成为债务扩大的背景。

  • 全球亿万富豪的财富经历五年增长后首次下滑 受累强美元及股市

    瑞银和罗兵咸永道周五发表报告显示,全球亿万富豪的财富在经历五年增长后于2018年首次下滑,受美元走强及各地股市波动影响。

    据最新一份亿万富豪报告显示,截至2018年底为止的五年间,亿万富豪的财富增加34.5%至合共8.5万亿美元,较五年前高出2.2万亿美元;同期有589名个人跻身亿万富豪行列,令人数增加38.9%至2,101人。

    但单是2018年,亿万富豪的财富下跌了4.3%。瑞银财富管理超高净值客户部主管Josef Stadler表示,“美元走强,加上各地股市在艰巨的地缘政治环境下日趋不明朗,因此财富出现下滑。”

    纵观亚洲,区内的亿万富豪的财富在五年间增加了差不多三倍。然而,受到中国增长减慢及美国加息影响,2018年底的亚太区财富为2.5万亿美元,下跌了2,176亿美元。区内的亿万富豪人数则减少7.4%至754人。

    中国企业家在过去五年间跃升为全球第二大的亿万富豪群体,超越了俄罗斯,他们的财富增加了两倍,在2018年达到9,824亿美元。中国有325名亿万富豪,占亚太区总数的43%。

    但在2018年,中国亿万富豪的财富下跌了12.3%;中国的亿万富豪亦减少48人至325人。

    罗兵咸永道香港金融服务合伙人陈谢佩儿指出,亚太区仍是全球拥有最多名亿万富豪的地区,其中,中国大陆及香港在2018年新增的亿万富豪数量,比整个美洲还要多。在中国,新晋的亿万富豪均为白手兴家及来自广泛类型的行业,并以科技及零售为主。